Sociedad
Periodista oficialista califica de 'homofóbico' el próximo Censo de
Población y Viviendas
DDC
Madrid 30-08-2012 - 6:20 pm.
La ONEI se ha negado a incluir en el estudio las uniones de parejas
homosexuales así como la identidad de género de personas transexuales.
El periodista oficialista y activista gay Francisco Rodríguez Cruz
calificó de "homofóbico" el próximo Censo de Población y Viviendas, que
comenzará el 15 de septiembre y en el cual las autoridades de la estatal
Oficina Nacional de Estadísticas e Información (ONEI) se han negado a
contemplar las uniones consensuales de parejas homosexuales.
En un post publicado este miércoles en su blog, Paquito el de Cuba,
Rodríguez rechazó las razones dadas por los responsables del Censo y
dijo que las evidencias muestran que será "una investigación homofóbica,
o al menos discriminatoria por omisión".
En una nota anterior, el 15 de junio, el activista había revelado que el
director nacional del Censo, Juan Carlos Alfonso Fraga, dijo que el
estudio no reflejará las uniones entre homosexuales ni la identidad de
género de personas transexuales porque "es un tema muy complejo para
explicarlo a los estudiantes que actuarán como enumeradores".
En consecuencia, las estadísticas solo abarcarán "las uniones formadas
por hombre y mujer".
Rodríguez consideró entonces que la decisión contradecía la política
aprobada en enero de este año por la Primera Conferencia Nacional del
Partido Comunista, que incluyó la orientación sexual entre las formas de
discriminación a "enfrentar".
En post de este miércoles, el periodista oficialista dijo que la
recomendación de incluir dentro del estado civil o conyugal de la
población las uniones entre homosexuales fue hecha en noviembre de 2011.
Sin embargo, la respuesta de la ONEI al respecto fue que el Censo había
sido concebido antes de la Conferencia Nacional del PCC.
"Esta explicación es apenas una justificación, y me resulta
inadmisible", consideró Rodríguez, militante comunista.
"Al menos para mí, el hecho evidencia que no hubo suficiente voluntad
política de la dirección del país para rectificar una decisión técnica
incorrecta que pudo tener una solución, como sí lo hicieron otras muchas
autoridades estadísticas estatales de los países de América Latina y
otras regiones del mundo durante la actual ronda censal de la ONU", añadió.
Rodríguez incluyó en su post una "propuesta educativa" para "contribuir
quizás a que esta sea la última vez" que ocurra algo así en la Isla.
En ella exhorta a homosexuales, bisexuales y transexuales que conviven
como pareja a declarar su unión consensual ante los enumeradores del
Censo y pedirles que les inscriban como tal, "aunque luego las
estadísticas de la ONEI no las contabilicen, como ya decidieron hacer de
manera excluyente y discriminatoria".
Asimismo, llama a los miembros de la comunidad LGBT que mantengan
relaciones estables, aunque no residan en la misma vivienda, a pedir a
los enumeradores "que no les registren como solteros, sino como 'unidos'
con otra persona de su mismo sexo, y a "declararse como mujer u hombre,
de acuerdo con su identidad de género", en el caso de los transexuales.
"Esa decisión no la pueden cuestionar los enumeradores, porque como
especifica la ONEI, el Censo es por declaración, y no es necesario
mostrar ningún documento de identificación para avalar la información
que brinde la ciudadanía", dijo Rodríguez.
Adicionalmente, propuso "conversar con los jóvenes estudiantes que
tendrán la responsabilidad de censar, para explicarles lo que no
quisieron hacer los especialistas de la ONEI", y adornar las casas donde
viven lesbianas, gays, bisexuales y transexuales "con la bandera del
arcoíris (…) o con cualquier otro elemento alegórico al movimiento
internacional por los derechos de las personas LGBT o a las campañas
nacionales contra la homofobia y por el respeto a la diversidad sexual".
Rodríguez pidió el apoyo los estatales Centro Nacional de Educación
Sexual (CENESEX) y Centro Nacional de Prevención de las ITS-VIH/sida
(CNP), el proyecto independiente Arcoíris y "cualquier otro grupo o
iniciativa que abogue por los derechos sexuales en Cuba".
"Así, el día del levantamiento censal a nuestros hogares cientos y tal
vez miles de personas podríamos utilizar y mostrar con orgullo esas
camisetas, mochilas y carteles o afiches promocionales que cada año
distribuyen los diferentes grupos de activismo durante la Jornada Cubana
contra la Homofobia, el Día Mundial de lucha contra el Sida o en otras
fechas significativas (…) de manera que las decenas de miles de
muchachas y muchachos que enumerarán las viviendas a lo largo y ancho
del país sepan, comenten y transmitan a las autoridades pertinentes y a
toda la población que —al contrario de lo que dice el eslogan— todavía
no todos y todas contamos para este Censo discriminatorio y homofóbico,
pero sí para Cuba", concluyó.
http://www.diariodecuba.com/derechos-humanos/12774-periodista-oficialista-califica-de-homofobico-el-proximo-censo-de-poblacion-y
jueves, 30 de agosto de 2012
viernes, 17 de agosto de 2012
La TVC finalmente estrena el vídeoclip de Buena Fe sobre lesbianismo
Censura
La TVC finalmente estrena el vídeoclip de Buena Fe sobre lesbianismo
DDC
La Habana 16-08-2012 - 3:08 pm.
'No podemos quedarnos callados ante los caducos pensamientos que lastran
el futuro de nuestros hijos', señalaron los promotores de los Premios Lucas.
La Televisión Cubana finalmente estrenó el miércoles el vídeoclip Ser de
sol, del dúo Buena Fe, que aborda una historia sobre dos lesbianas.
Buena Fe se había quejado en su sitio en Facebook de que la televisión
oficial no había estrenado el videoclip, a pesar de que se encontraba en
el quinto lugar de preferencias para los Premios Lucas, y sugirió que se
trataba de un problema de censura.
"Por 'alguna razón', no ha sido estrenado en la televisión cubana; es el
primer vídeo en la historia que sin ser estrenado ya está entre los más
populares, así lo muestra el quinto lugar en los hits" de los Premios
Lucas, los más importantes dedicados en la Isla a videoclips musicales,
dijo en una nota Israel Rojas, director de Buena Fe.
Después de la polémica en medios del exilio, blogs oficialistas y redes
sociales, el vídeo ascendió al segundo lugar.
Para el cantante y compositor, "puede ser que la historia que cuenta
este videoclip choque con algunos sectores aún muy conservadores en
nuestra sociedad, que cada día avanza más en materia de tolerancia con
las preferencias sexuales".
Los promotores de los Premios Lucas pidieron la víspera en Facebook "no
dejar espacio" a la indiferencia.
"Lo que no podemos es quedarnos callados ante los caducos pensamientos
que lastran el futuro de nuestros hijos, lo que no podemos es darnos por
vencidos, si creemos en lo que luchamos y profesamos", señalaron.
Al mismo tiempo, anunciaron el estreno del vídeoclip en el programa
Fuera de Rosca.
Fuentes consultadas por DIARIO DE CUBA confirmaron que el estreno
finalmente se produjo.
Ser de sol, de Buena Fe y Descemer Bueno, es un tema de desamor. En el
vídeo, dirigido y producido por Ian Padrón (realizador del filme
Habanastation), dos muchachas, interpretadas por las actrices Rebeca
Proenza y Kenia Anaya, se encuentran y enamoran.
Descemer Bueno e Israel Rojas interpretan a las parejas de las jóvenes.
http://www.diariodecuba.com/cultura/12580-la-tvc-finalmente-estrena-el-videoclip-de-buena-fe-sobre-lesbianismo
La TVC finalmente estrena el vídeoclip de Buena Fe sobre lesbianismo
DDC
La Habana 16-08-2012 - 3:08 pm.
'No podemos quedarnos callados ante los caducos pensamientos que lastran
el futuro de nuestros hijos', señalaron los promotores de los Premios Lucas.
La Televisión Cubana finalmente estrenó el miércoles el vídeoclip Ser de
sol, del dúo Buena Fe, que aborda una historia sobre dos lesbianas.
Buena Fe se había quejado en su sitio en Facebook de que la televisión
oficial no había estrenado el videoclip, a pesar de que se encontraba en
el quinto lugar de preferencias para los Premios Lucas, y sugirió que se
trataba de un problema de censura.
"Por 'alguna razón', no ha sido estrenado en la televisión cubana; es el
primer vídeo en la historia que sin ser estrenado ya está entre los más
populares, así lo muestra el quinto lugar en los hits" de los Premios
Lucas, los más importantes dedicados en la Isla a videoclips musicales,
dijo en una nota Israel Rojas, director de Buena Fe.
Después de la polémica en medios del exilio, blogs oficialistas y redes
sociales, el vídeo ascendió al segundo lugar.
Para el cantante y compositor, "puede ser que la historia que cuenta
este videoclip choque con algunos sectores aún muy conservadores en
nuestra sociedad, que cada día avanza más en materia de tolerancia con
las preferencias sexuales".
Los promotores de los Premios Lucas pidieron la víspera en Facebook "no
dejar espacio" a la indiferencia.
"Lo que no podemos es quedarnos callados ante los caducos pensamientos
que lastran el futuro de nuestros hijos, lo que no podemos es darnos por
vencidos, si creemos en lo que luchamos y profesamos", señalaron.
Al mismo tiempo, anunciaron el estreno del vídeoclip en el programa
Fuera de Rosca.
Fuentes consultadas por DIARIO DE CUBA confirmaron que el estreno
finalmente se produjo.
Ser de sol, de Buena Fe y Descemer Bueno, es un tema de desamor. En el
vídeo, dirigido y producido por Ian Padrón (realizador del filme
Habanastation), dos muchachas, interpretadas por las actrices Rebeca
Proenza y Kenia Anaya, se encuentran y enamoran.
Descemer Bueno e Israel Rojas interpretan a las parejas de las jóvenes.
http://www.diariodecuba.com/cultura/12580-la-tvc-finalmente-estrena-el-videoclip-de-buena-fe-sobre-lesbianismo
miércoles, 15 de agosto de 2012
Del discurso a la acción
Del discurso a la acción
Miércoles, Agosto 15, 2012 | Por Ibis Pascual
CORRALILLO, Cuba, agosto, www.cubanet.org -Digan lo que digan, en Cuba,
el tema de la mujer lesbiana no goza del favor del gobierno, ni de sus
instituciones. El trabajo expositivo que manifiesta Mariela Castro es
muy envolvente, en lo referido a la sexualidad actual o postmodernista.
Sin embargo, poco o nada se hace en la concreta contra la intolerancia y
la indolencia de las organizaciones oficiales, muy especialmente las que
debieran defender el lesbianismo.
Las orientaciones dadas y promulgadas por el Departamento de Divulgación
de la Federación de Mujeres Cubanas (FMC), también tiene su tapa de
botella. Manifestado está en el caso de Ariela García Fonseca, que se
hizo el propósito de que dicha organización la apoyara con la idea de
fomentar una agrupación LGTB en un municipio de Santa Clara.
El alboroto que causó la llegada de la petición que hizo Ariela, por
escrito, se elevaría hasta la Dirección Nacional de la FMC. Y después,
hasta un lugar que ni ella misma sabía que existía. Una oficina con un
confort elegantísimo, que por un momento, hizo olvidar a Ariela que se
encontraba en La Habana, Cuba.
"Ya todo está hecho, se puede marchar…" Fue el parco comentario que vino
desde un hombre muy bien vestido, que más bien a ella le pareció un
actor de cine, y no un funcionario cubano.
Lo que esperaba Ariela, como le habían informado, era que sería atendida
por una Comisión de Atención a la Población, para dar respuesta a casos
similares a los de ella. Pero no vio tal comisión, sino la única
oportunidad de salir de allí como se sale siempre de la mayoría de las
situaciones de este tipo: en mal estado emocional, y muy abochornada.
Al volver a su municipio, Ariela se reunió con su grupo LGTB, y le
explicó que: "Si nos impiden decidir quién nos gobierna, no vamos a
permitir que por esta falta de confirmación oficial no hagamos de
nuestra propuesta una realidad". Y en su mismo lugar de residencia
montaron, sin autorizo alguno, la administración. Decidida a tomar al
toro por los cuernos, comenzó con reuniones de improvisación, charlas y
exposiciones de renuncias, sacrificios y desastres por la que habían
pasado ya muchas de las lesbianas invitadas a dichas reuniones,
incluyéndose ella.
Pero muy pronto, en el pasado mes de julio, terminaron las reuniones de
improvisación. El gobierno, al fin, se interesó por sus asuntos. Y en
mala hora.
Desde la alegría del "Té de la Tarde" (actividad semanal del grupo),
Ariela fue sacada de su propia casa, acusada de revoltosa y de desacato
a las autoridades. Invadiéndola sin aviso y sin prudencia alguna, la
policía del municipio practicó varios registros, hizo cacheos, incurrió
en insultos y en abusos brutales a todos los reunidos, incluidos los
padres de Ariela.
"Quieren destruir moral y mentalmente a todas nuestras asociaciones
independientes", aseguró ella cuando la trasladaban a la fuerza y a
empujones para la cabecera de provincia.
Ahora, el caso de Ariela García es uno de los comentarios secretos más
escuchados entre los allegados a El Mejunje (local de entretenimiento,
"casi gay", ubicado en la calle Marta Abreu, en la ciudad de Santa
Clara), el cual, refugiado bajo un aspecto gubernamental, recibe a miles
de homosexuales semanalmente. Un lugar que, por cierto, no escapa a la
nociva influencia del ministerio del interior, que mantiene allí
chivatos pagados dentro del mundo gay.
No obstante, la carta de Ariela, dirigida a la Federación de Mujeres
Cubanas, ya anda de mano en mano dentro de El Mejunje, peleando como
documento oficial que puede muy bien fraguarse dentro de muy poco como
"Guerra Santa", con el plan de pasar del discurso escrito a la acción.
Ojalá que se logre algún entendimiento con las fuerzas políticas, para
que al menos se pueda conocer dónde tienen encerrada a Ariela desde hace
más de una semana, cuando fue sacada a la fuerza de su propio hogar. Y
ojalá que finalmente su carta anime al régimen para que suspenda este
tipo de abuso que aún hoy practica contra los homosexuales, aunque sea
usando la misma fachada de enmascaramiento que utiliza para todo lo demás.
http://www.cubanet.org/articulos/del-discurso-a-la-accion/
Miércoles, Agosto 15, 2012 | Por Ibis Pascual
CORRALILLO, Cuba, agosto, www.cubanet.org -Digan lo que digan, en Cuba,
el tema de la mujer lesbiana no goza del favor del gobierno, ni de sus
instituciones. El trabajo expositivo que manifiesta Mariela Castro es
muy envolvente, en lo referido a la sexualidad actual o postmodernista.
Sin embargo, poco o nada se hace en la concreta contra la intolerancia y
la indolencia de las organizaciones oficiales, muy especialmente las que
debieran defender el lesbianismo.
Las orientaciones dadas y promulgadas por el Departamento de Divulgación
de la Federación de Mujeres Cubanas (FMC), también tiene su tapa de
botella. Manifestado está en el caso de Ariela García Fonseca, que se
hizo el propósito de que dicha organización la apoyara con la idea de
fomentar una agrupación LGTB en un municipio de Santa Clara.
El alboroto que causó la llegada de la petición que hizo Ariela, por
escrito, se elevaría hasta la Dirección Nacional de la FMC. Y después,
hasta un lugar que ni ella misma sabía que existía. Una oficina con un
confort elegantísimo, que por un momento, hizo olvidar a Ariela que se
encontraba en La Habana, Cuba.
"Ya todo está hecho, se puede marchar…" Fue el parco comentario que vino
desde un hombre muy bien vestido, que más bien a ella le pareció un
actor de cine, y no un funcionario cubano.
Lo que esperaba Ariela, como le habían informado, era que sería atendida
por una Comisión de Atención a la Población, para dar respuesta a casos
similares a los de ella. Pero no vio tal comisión, sino la única
oportunidad de salir de allí como se sale siempre de la mayoría de las
situaciones de este tipo: en mal estado emocional, y muy abochornada.
Al volver a su municipio, Ariela se reunió con su grupo LGTB, y le
explicó que: "Si nos impiden decidir quién nos gobierna, no vamos a
permitir que por esta falta de confirmación oficial no hagamos de
nuestra propuesta una realidad". Y en su mismo lugar de residencia
montaron, sin autorizo alguno, la administración. Decidida a tomar al
toro por los cuernos, comenzó con reuniones de improvisación, charlas y
exposiciones de renuncias, sacrificios y desastres por la que habían
pasado ya muchas de las lesbianas invitadas a dichas reuniones,
incluyéndose ella.
Pero muy pronto, en el pasado mes de julio, terminaron las reuniones de
improvisación. El gobierno, al fin, se interesó por sus asuntos. Y en
mala hora.
Desde la alegría del "Té de la Tarde" (actividad semanal del grupo),
Ariela fue sacada de su propia casa, acusada de revoltosa y de desacato
a las autoridades. Invadiéndola sin aviso y sin prudencia alguna, la
policía del municipio practicó varios registros, hizo cacheos, incurrió
en insultos y en abusos brutales a todos los reunidos, incluidos los
padres de Ariela.
"Quieren destruir moral y mentalmente a todas nuestras asociaciones
independientes", aseguró ella cuando la trasladaban a la fuerza y a
empujones para la cabecera de provincia.
Ahora, el caso de Ariela García es uno de los comentarios secretos más
escuchados entre los allegados a El Mejunje (local de entretenimiento,
"casi gay", ubicado en la calle Marta Abreu, en la ciudad de Santa
Clara), el cual, refugiado bajo un aspecto gubernamental, recibe a miles
de homosexuales semanalmente. Un lugar que, por cierto, no escapa a la
nociva influencia del ministerio del interior, que mantiene allí
chivatos pagados dentro del mundo gay.
No obstante, la carta de Ariela, dirigida a la Federación de Mujeres
Cubanas, ya anda de mano en mano dentro de El Mejunje, peleando como
documento oficial que puede muy bien fraguarse dentro de muy poco como
"Guerra Santa", con el plan de pasar del discurso escrito a la acción.
Ojalá que se logre algún entendimiento con las fuerzas políticas, para
que al menos se pueda conocer dónde tienen encerrada a Ariela desde hace
más de una semana, cuando fue sacada a la fuerza de su propio hogar. Y
ojalá que finalmente su carta anime al régimen para que suspenda este
tipo de abuso que aún hoy practica contra los homosexuales, aunque sea
usando la misma fachada de enmascaramiento que utiliza para todo lo demás.
http://www.cubanet.org/articulos/del-discurso-a-la-accion/
sábado, 11 de agosto de 2012
Buena Fe critica a televisión cubana por censurar video musical sobre lesbianas
Buena Fe critica a televisión cubana por censurar video musical sobre
lesbianas
Publicado el Viernes, 10 Agosto 2012 03:07
Por Redacción CaféFuerte
El grupo cubano Buena Fe pidió apoyo a sus seguidores para lograr que la
televisión cubana difunda un videoclip sobre la relación de una pareja
de lesbianas.
"El videoclip Ser del Sol por 'alguna razon', no ha sido estrenado en la
televisión cubana; es el primer video en la historia que sin ser
estrenado ya está entre los más populares", escribió en la página
oficial de Buena Fe en Facebook Israel Rojas, uno de los integrantes del
grupo.
Rojas se refirió a que el videoclip se encuentra actualmente en el
quinto lugar en los hits de los Premios Lucas, la más importante
distinción anual que se entrega en Cuba para la producción de ese
género. La edición de los Premios Lucas 2012 se efectuará el próximo
noviembre.
El video de poco más de cuatro minutos fue grabado por el dúo junto al
cantautor Descemer Bueno el pasado 11 de junio. Cuenta la historia de
dos muchachas que se conocen a través de sus respectivos novios e
inician una relación. En un final sorprendente, cuando los novios las
descubren besándose, ambos se echan a reír relajadamente.
La canción ya se encuentra entre las más populares en la isla.
"Puede ser que la historia que cuenta este videoclip choque con algunos
sectores aun muy conservadores en nuestra sociedad, que cada día avanza
más en materia de tolerancia con las preferencias sexuales; pero nuestra
propuesta está arropada con el arte necesario para exponer con belleza
una historia que podría pasarle a cualquiera de nosotros, en cualquier
lugar del mundo", señaló Rojas.
Correos y llamadas al ICRT
El videoclip fue escrito, producido y dirigido por el laureado cineasta
Ian Padrón y contó con la actrices Kenia Anaya y Rebeca Proenza en los
papeles de las jóvenes enamoradas. Israel García y Descemer Bueno
representan el papel de los novios engañados.
Bueno reside en Miami, pero viaja regularmente a La Habana para relizar
proyectos artísticos. Padrón es conocido por su labor como
documentalista y más recientemente por Habanastation (2011), su primer
largometraje de ficción, premiado en festivales internacionales.
"Estamos muy satisfechos con las soluciones artísticas que Ian Padrón y
su equipo de filmación encontraron para narrar la historia, muy ajenos a
la vulgaridad, la torpeza o el mal gusto que muchas veces se nos
transmiten por la propia televisión cubana, pero con videos de factura
extranjera", señaló Rojas, quien agradeció también a nombre de Bueno el
apoyo que ha recibido de numerosas personas.
"Parece que habrá que llenar de correos, mensajes y llamadas al
Instituto Cubano de Radio y Televisión (ICRT), para que por fin el video
sea presentado en la televisión cubana", escribió.
En años recientes, el Centro Nacional de Educación Sexual (CENESEX),
dirigido por la sexóloga Mariela Castro, ha manifestado su respaldo a
que los temas relacionados con el homosexualismo, los gay, lesbianas y
transexuales, sean tratados con normalidad y respeto en los medios de
comunicación.
http://cafefuerte.com/cuba/noticias-de-cuba/sociedad/2094-buena-fe-critica-a-television-cubana-por-censurar-video-musical-con-lesbianas
lesbianas
Publicado el Viernes, 10 Agosto 2012 03:07
Por Redacción CaféFuerte
El grupo cubano Buena Fe pidió apoyo a sus seguidores para lograr que la
televisión cubana difunda un videoclip sobre la relación de una pareja
de lesbianas.
"El videoclip Ser del Sol por 'alguna razon', no ha sido estrenado en la
televisión cubana; es el primer video en la historia que sin ser
estrenado ya está entre los más populares", escribió en la página
oficial de Buena Fe en Facebook Israel Rojas, uno de los integrantes del
grupo.
Rojas se refirió a que el videoclip se encuentra actualmente en el
quinto lugar en los hits de los Premios Lucas, la más importante
distinción anual que se entrega en Cuba para la producción de ese
género. La edición de los Premios Lucas 2012 se efectuará el próximo
noviembre.
El video de poco más de cuatro minutos fue grabado por el dúo junto al
cantautor Descemer Bueno el pasado 11 de junio. Cuenta la historia de
dos muchachas que se conocen a través de sus respectivos novios e
inician una relación. En un final sorprendente, cuando los novios las
descubren besándose, ambos se echan a reír relajadamente.
La canción ya se encuentra entre las más populares en la isla.
"Puede ser que la historia que cuenta este videoclip choque con algunos
sectores aun muy conservadores en nuestra sociedad, que cada día avanza
más en materia de tolerancia con las preferencias sexuales; pero nuestra
propuesta está arropada con el arte necesario para exponer con belleza
una historia que podría pasarle a cualquiera de nosotros, en cualquier
lugar del mundo", señaló Rojas.
Correos y llamadas al ICRT
El videoclip fue escrito, producido y dirigido por el laureado cineasta
Ian Padrón y contó con la actrices Kenia Anaya y Rebeca Proenza en los
papeles de las jóvenes enamoradas. Israel García y Descemer Bueno
representan el papel de los novios engañados.
Bueno reside en Miami, pero viaja regularmente a La Habana para relizar
proyectos artísticos. Padrón es conocido por su labor como
documentalista y más recientemente por Habanastation (2011), su primer
largometraje de ficción, premiado en festivales internacionales.
"Estamos muy satisfechos con las soluciones artísticas que Ian Padrón y
su equipo de filmación encontraron para narrar la historia, muy ajenos a
la vulgaridad, la torpeza o el mal gusto que muchas veces se nos
transmiten por la propia televisión cubana, pero con videos de factura
extranjera", señaló Rojas, quien agradeció también a nombre de Bueno el
apoyo que ha recibido de numerosas personas.
"Parece que habrá que llenar de correos, mensajes y llamadas al
Instituto Cubano de Radio y Televisión (ICRT), para que por fin el video
sea presentado en la televisión cubana", escribió.
En años recientes, el Centro Nacional de Educación Sexual (CENESEX),
dirigido por la sexóloga Mariela Castro, ha manifestado su respaldo a
que los temas relacionados con el homosexualismo, los gay, lesbianas y
transexuales, sean tratados con normalidad y respeto en los medios de
comunicación.
http://cafefuerte.com/cuba/noticias-de-cuba/sociedad/2094-buena-fe-critica-a-television-cubana-por-censurar-video-musical-con-lesbianas
lunes, 6 de agosto de 2012
Independent Activism in Cuba
Independent Activism in Cuba
August 5, 2012
June Fernandez*
HAVANA TIMES — "Come wearing something red and kiss someone, because all
forms of love are important." Last June 28, forty-six people who had
received this message via instant messaging or e-mail met in the Havana
bus terminal, near the Plaza of the Revolution, to kiss each other.
The group that had promoted the gathering was the Rainbow Project
(Proyecto Arcoiris) an independent collective aimed at mobilizing the
citizenry to take their demands for the rights to sexual diversity and
the free expression of affection to the streets.
The government of Raul Castro has officially broken with the regime's
homophobic past and is sponsoring policies of non-discrimination;
however, displays of affection between people of the same sex are still
penalized by laws that categorize them as "indecent exhibitionism."
"We held the Kiss-In precisely for those people who have not yet decided
to come out of the closet of what has been authorized and coordinated,
of that supported by the superior authorities that know everything and
define everything. They learned that the street does not belong to the
authorities, to the chimera called "the revolutionaries" that no one
knows in the end how they look or what they believe in," Yasmin Silvia
Portales Machado, founder of the Rainbow Project, explained in her blog.
Although four or five dozen people might seem like a small thing,
organizing an action in demand of change outside of the government and
of the anti-Castro opposition is something unheard of in a country where
political polarization colors every social initiative.
The National Center for Sexual Education (Cenesex), which coordinates
the policies for sexual diversity under the leadership of Mariela
Castro, Raul Castro's daughter, doesn't recognize June 28, a day in
which gay pride events are organized in many cities around the world.
The latter are considered an imperialist and capitalist celebration.
Instead, they have established May as anti-homophobia month and organize
activities to sensitize the population to questions such as civil unions
between people of the same sex or the special health needs of transsexuals.
As a result, on previous June 28's only the LGBT Rights Observatory, a
collective identified with the dissident movement, has gone out on the
street. Definitely, the choice has been official activities in May or
anti-Castro Pride in June.
The Rainbow Project has broken with this logic and with no further ado
has joined the commemoration of the anniversary of the Stonewall
disturbances, in tune with the international LGBT community.
The organizers were very nervous: "Since Tuesday I had a nervous tic in
my right eye," recalled Yasmín – but this time there were no incidents.
They did, however, receive messages from people who feared for their
safety or from those who had heard that the initiative came from an
opposition group, as another of the promoters, Luis Rondón Paz, states
in his blog.
Despite such rumors, the police didn't appear, nor did the participants
receive any pressure. "I suppose that such permissiveness was associated
with the fact that the act of kissing each other could be seen as
something legitimate, innocent, beautiful," Isbel Díaz Torres, another
founder of the collective wrote. He does however underline the
political character of the action in a post where he recalls how he was
fined years ago for kissing his boyfriend on the beach.
Following the reading of a communiqué entitled: "The revolution is the
struggle against all kinds of discrimination", the participants
nervously awaited the signal and kissed each other. Passion was lacking
and the kissing was mainly among women, "but the photo of Isbel with his
boyfriend has been seen around the world, so that we did meet our
objective of achieving visibility for the LGBT movement in Cuba," Luis
exults.
The Critical Left
The Rainbow Project is one of the small autonomous collectives that have
emerged in the last decade under the umbrella of Observatorio Crítico
(Critical Observatory) the most notable experience of social activism
outside the perimeter of the Cuban institutions.
This network brings together people who defend anti-capitalism,
socialism, anarchism in a few cases, and Cuban sovereignty from a
position of unstinting criticism of all forms of discrimination,
authoritarianism and repression promoted by or permitted by the Government.
They do this through initiatives such as the Rainbow Project, the
Negritude Brotherhood (which criticizes the institutional and social
racism which persists in Cuban society and seeks to reconstruct the
historical memory of the black community) and the Guardabosques (Forest
Rangers), an environmental project headed by Isbel.
Critical Observatory distributes compendiums of articles over e-mail,
organizes debates on such diverse topics as genetically modified foods,
trans-feminism or the rap-inspired "reggaetón" music and popular culture.
It also holds annual social forums that have become a point of reference
for the critical left in Cuba. They agree with the socialist project,
but not with the marked Stalinism of the regime. They defend basic
liberties, but they set themselves apart from the official dissident
movement with its support for implanting a capitalist system under the
tutelage of the United States.
Faced with those who dedicate themselves to the unconditional defense of
what they call the Revolution, and those on the other side who
concentrate their energy on defeating what they define as a clear
dictatorship, the Cubans associated with Critical Observatory
concentrate on denouncing concrete expressions of inequality and on
debating a model that could reconcile revolutionary principles with
respect for basic freedoms.
They assert that the Revolution must be feminist, anti-rascist, and
anti-homophobic, or it won't be anything. Their proclamation recalls
the M-15 (Spain) movement, to which these activists feel related.
Their anti-capitalist ideology leads them to oppose all US interference,
but also to question Raul Castro's economic model which promotes private
initiative, foreign investment and also mass lay-offs, and to advocate
for collective formulas such as cooperatives.
Their stand on the Pope's visit to Cuba last March was also significant.
While the Castro supporters were rubbing their hands together in glee
over the legitimacy that the visit provided them, and the anti-Castro
factions lamented the scarce attention that his Holiness awarded them,
Yasmín and other members of the Observatory were a discordant note.
They criticized the fact that a lay State like Cuba would waste public
money to welcome the leader of an institution that doesn't recognize
sexual and reproductive rights; they wrote ironically about the
Communist Party's eagerness to host a leader who was belligerently
opposed to Marxism, and condemned the fact that the Afro-Cuban
religions, whose influence is greater than that of Catholicism, have not
received any such governmental recognition.
Months before, they fantasized about showing public indignation over the
Pope's visit, but in the end they limited themselves to expressing their
point of view in the alternative media and in the blogs.
The right of association in Cuba
To grasp the situation in which this autonomous left finds itself, it's
helpful to understand how the right to associate functions in Cuba.
This State that defines itself as revolutionary has historically put up
barriers to the existence of independent social movements.
Raul Castro's declarations of a new openness and the fact that at least
in words he has defended freedom of expression and of the press, is one
of the factors that explains the recent emergence and survival of
autonomous social and cultural initiatives.
However, the pro-Castro groups continue to defend the idea that only the
official mass organizations like the Cuban Women's Federation or the
groups linked to Cenesex can legitimately mobilize the citizenry in
favor of social demands.
Rogelio M. Díaz, blogger and member of Critical Observatory, attributes
this to the official line that the concept of "civil society" is
"bourgeois, subversive and a United States' strategy to penetrate the
Third World," while "the mass organizations incorporate into their
statutes the notion of following the Party leadership."
He cites three factors: the climate of aggression on the part of the US,
the leadership style of Fidel and the politics of the socialist camp.
Given that many supposedly independent associations "are nothing more
than tiny groups promoted by the CIA and other forces of the USA", the
blogger emphasizes that it is absolutely necessary that the United
States renounce their intention to promote a regime change if the
situation is to normalize: "If this by some miracle were to occur
tomorrow, then we would be able to measure the real willingness of the
Cuban government to abandon their strict controls."
Among other things he makes reference to the combination of bureaucratic
snags and lack of political will that makes it practically impossible to
constitute associations. Article 54 of the Constitution recognizes the
rights of assembly, demonstration and association [although Article 62
warns that it is a punishable offense to exercise these freedoms to
jeopardize "the existence and aims of the socialist State"].
However, in fact an aspiring association must be sponsored by a State
entity in order for the Ministry of Justice to authorize its inscription
into the corresponding registry. The sponsoring State organization
"then then becomes its related organ, that which controls it and attends
to its needs," Dmitri Prieto, founder of Critical Observatory, explains.
The registry takes years to arrive (if it arrives at all) so that the
collectives opt for formulas such as creating academic professorships or
projects inscribed within the cultural centers. "As long as there is no
confrontation with the actual system, the authorities do not create any
impediments, but they can meet with a lack of understanding, lack of
resources and very little visibility," he noted.
"Any individual initiatives for association are systematically
demonized, even more so if they are of a political nature. It's very
difficult to question deeply the political and social structures, and it
would also be suicidal," Yasmín laments.
The Critical Observatory arose from the Haydée Santamaria Professorship,
created from within the Asociación Hermanos Saiz, also known as AHS, the
institution of young artists and writers, to investigate transformations
in Cuban society.
In 2010, when their proposals began to be uncomfortable, the AHS
informed them that their members had surpassed the age limit and could
no longer remain tied to the institution. "Therefore, there was no more
need to be politically correct as far as criticizing the institutions,"
Yasmín notes. This reality sparked the Observatory's transformation into
one of the most anti-establishment collectives on the Island.
Nonetheless, becoming a network without institutional backing has its
consequences. The scarce resources of the Critical Observatory, which
barely stretch enough to buy a snack for meetings, come from the
solidarity of European anarchist and anti-capitalist collectives.
There is no headquarters: they hold their debates in a paladar (private
restaurant) managed by some sympathizer, or in a park. They chose the
second option for a colloquium with an activist from Madrid's 15-M
movement, which included the presence of both an agent from State
Security and an "independent" reporter from the official dissident movement.
The Cuban critical left defines itself as revolutionary and its
activists work closely with Cuban institutions or with projects
supported by them. They resist calling themselves "opposition," since
they identify more with a Cuban socialist movement than with the
proposals of the dissidents.
This puts them in an uncertain situation: they don't suffer direct
repression and it could be said that their activity is tolerated, but as
they consolidate they do feel an ever greater labeling.
The latest flurry was an article written by Percy Francisco Alvarado
Godoy a former State Security agent, accusing a group of recognized
Cuban intellectuals of working against the Revolution in projects
directed by the United States as part of the conflict known as the cyber
war against Castroism.
Alvarado Godoy has since apologized for what he calls an unfortunate
error, but those affected have not accepted his apology: "Similar errors
left authors like José Lezama Lima, Virgilio Piñera and other sunk into
ostracism for years; they brought unnecessary pain to many and caused
irreparable damage to Cuban culture and society," alerts the writer
Daniel Díaz Mantilla, one of those defamed.
Relations with the State institutions
Rogelio describes the government's strategy as one of "gathering and
channeling intelligently the tensions in several potential conflicts.
The emblematic case is that of the LGBT movement. Cenesex, affiliated
with the Health Ministry, promotes networks of gays, lesbians and
transsexuals who go out on the streets to proclaim their demands, but do
so under the institution's tutelage.
Odaymara Cuest and Olivia Prendes, the rappers from Krudas Cubensi, now
living in Texas, recall how the lesbian collective Oremi that they
participated in was swallowed up by Cenesex. "One fine day, Mariela
[Castro] arrived with an authoritarian air, to announce that the group
needed to function in a top-down manner.
"She imposed the presence and leadership of some psychologists who
weren't lesbians, who brought us cases with pathologies that they were
attending in their clinics. We couldn't discuss our problems as healthy
lesbians. For that reason we preferred our autonomy," Prendes explains.
It hadn't been her first clash with Mariela Castro. During the nineties
they had tried to form a "queer" collective with friends for the United
States and had planned to attend the May 1st demonstration carrying a
rainbow flag.
"The objective of the march is to unite us against imperialism and for
socialism, so we said, "Why not carry our own little flag, since we too
are part of this country? Ay yi yi, – they gave us a sound slapping.
They stole our flag, then they began going to the home of each activist.
We asked Mariela Castro if she could give us a paper or something
giving permission to form a small LGBT group.
"She said, 'No, Cuba isn't ready for it.' 'No, this is a macho culture.
Maybe in ten years.' "
And more than ten years later, Cenesex continues trying to monopolize
LGBT activism through their organizations, even though some of their
members favor the existence of autonomous collectives.
"I believe that the formation of a potentially autonomous movement for
sexual rights is necessary, but one that includes heterosexuals who
dissent from the hegemonies and that maintains a horizontal and
participative form of functioning, well distanced from feuds, grudges
and personal vanities. Such existence doesn't imply a negation of the
Cuban socialist principles, but their strengthening and the construction
of a more just and decent society," states Alberto Roque, himself an
activist in the Communist Party and the dynamic force behind "Men for
Diversity".
Participants feel that this group, under the wing of Cenesex, offers a
margin of space to channel criticism of Government policies and to
express themselves freely. Some, like Luis Rondón Paz and Paquito el de
Cuba also maintain their own blogs in which they lash out against
practices like homophobia in the workplace, in sports or in the media.
"I've been risking my neck for awhile. An old lover tells me: "You're
crazy as a loon" and I responded. "Listen, change doesn't fall from the
ceiling. When something is wrong, you have to shout out loud using every
means necessary so that the message reaches its destination as little
adulterated as possible."
That's how Luis explained his stance on maintaining activism both within
and outside of the institutions, in a post venting his frustration at
those who criticize him for participating in autonomous projects such as
the Rainbow Project.
Luis, together with Yasmín, was one of the promoters of the NotiG
(GNews) bulletin, which disseminated e-mail articles on gender identity
as well as lighter pieces. They were informed that the bulletin
couldn't circulate without being registered in the National Registry of
Serial Publications. They accepted the requirement to request the
endorsement of Cenesex, but they are still awaiting a response.
In any case, the Rainbow Project currently represents the most ambitious
initiative. It hopes to offer legal aid in cases of discrimination due
to sexual orientation or gender identity, as well as promoting debate
and a popular commitment against the bias towards a heterosexual norm,
through actions such as the Kiss-In. They are also distributing a
survey among those who are not heterosexuals to collect their demands.
In the case of feminism as well, the official discourse continues to be
that the existence of the Federation of
Cuban Women, make an autonomous feminism unnecessary. Nevertheless,
this mass organization continues to reproduce traditional feminine views
without really promoting a bold confrontation with problems such as
macho violence or police persecution against women who work as prostitutes.
The most powerful autonomous initiative in favor of gender equality was
probably MAGIN, the Association of Women in Communications, which in its
time agglutinated more than one hundred women journalists, artists,
scientists and even politicians.
It didn't last very long: in 1996, three years after its foundation and
without succeeding in becoming legalized they were informed that they
couldn't continue to function, under the argument of fear that the
United States would utilize them.
Over the last year and a half, the debate forum: "Look with Suspicion"
has consolidated itself as a gathering space for Cuban feminists. They
take on topics such as "Cyberfeminism, gender and nation", or
"Literature and feminism", with presenters that include academics such
as Isabel Moya or Norma Vasallo, but also autonomous activists such as
Negra Cubana, Yasmín Portales or Krudas Cubensi.
It's chief promoters are three communicators: Hernández Hormilla,
Lirians Gordillo Piña and Danae C. Diéguez. They have received the
backing of the Monseñor Oscar Arnulfo Romero Group for Reflection and
Solidarity (OAR) a legal non-governmental organization of Christian
inspiration, and of the National Union of Cuban Writers and Artists
(UNEAC) whose center they use to hold their debates.
"We could have met in our houses, but we were interested in penetrating
into the space held by institutions and holding a dialogue with that
structure which also has its strengths," Danae explains. Nonetheless
several of those attending fantasize about the idea of creating a
network of autonomous and challenge-minded communicators as Magin had been.
Another project that has been launched autonomously, but with a certain
degree of institutional backing, is Afro-Cubans (Afrocubanas) promoted
by the blogger Sandra Álvarez and the writer Inés María Martiartu, with
the objective of "making visible the contributions of Cuban black women
to the national history and culture," the former explains. It has
produced a book, a blog and several meetings of black women in Sandra's
own house to debate questions of feminism and anti-racism.
The internet, key to autonomy
In Cuba, the majority of the population continues to have no access to
the internet, and even those who do have it must put up with very
precarious connections. In Havana, information mainly circulates via
those handy USB memory sticks. The government sustains that the United
States blockade has kept them from setting up broadband connections, and
that this fact justifies their decision to prioritize certain sectors
for satellite internet access: public institutions, universities,
hotels, etc.
In 2007, Hugo Chavez announced that they would install a fiber optic
cable from Venezuela to Cuba, but the process has made mysteriously slow
progress, inspiring rumors of corruption. Up until today, the
government has declared that the cable is "absolutely in operative
condition," but those on the internet have yet to note even the
slightest improvement in the connection.
Even blogs considered "officialist", such as Young Cuba (La Joven Cuba)
have criticized the lack of transparency and the resistance to providing
universal access to the internet. The majority of the cyber-activists
use their workplaces to publish in their blogs and on social networks,
consequently running the risk of being discovered and fired.
At any rate, the internet has been one of the elements that have
permitted those from the critical left to make themselves visible,
especially outside of the island. It has at least inspired hope in this
new form of sharing information and having their denunciations heard.
In June, for example the police in Havana detained two members of
Critical Observatory who had spray paint in their backpacks and held
them for twelve hours. "By this time, Critical Observatory had already
made public the denunciation on Facebook, Twitter and the WordPress
collective's blog. Fortunately, the new technologies manage to speed up
a little the process of justice, although they aren't able to transform
the absurd." Isbel wrote in Havana Times.
Havana Times is the digital daily of reference among the critical left:
among its habitual contributors are several staunch members of Critical
Observatory. Its director, Circles Robinson, defines it as an
"independent source for presenting the complex Cuban reality, that
struggles for information pluralism with diverse criteria in a country
where this has been seen with suspicious eyes."
Social Forum 2012
"Navigating in very polarized waters, we hope to contribute to elevating
the debate and finding participative solutions to the country's
problems," he adds. Havana Times publishes in Spanish and English,
offering opinion pieces on such things as the multi-party system,
relations with the Catholic church, or the economic reforms; news items
that inform about questions that the official media silence (the
crumbling of buildings or the mysterious fiber optic cable) and
interviews to introduce new talents in Cuban culture.
Last month, Havana Times was accused in two articles published in
Cubadebate and Rebelión respectively, of being a source "encouraged by
the United States" and of supporting "counter-revolutionaries" such as
the blogger Yoani Sánchez or Antonio Rodiles (Estado de Sats) for having
interviewed them.
The fact that Circles was born in the United States makes it easier for
those who accuse him of ties to the US Interests Section in Cuba.
Although, he notes, he could have been born in any other part of the
world, has lived in different countries and worked for 7 years for the
Cuban government.
Another interesting space for those who want to escape from the
so-called cyber-war between anti-Castro and official blogs is the
"Bloggers Cuba" community. It arose with the vocation of "breaking the
dichotomy between the experience of life on the island and its scant
reflection in the national and foreign media."
The majority of its members openly defend socialism, but maintain a
critical perspective. The incorporation of feminist and anti-racist
bloggers who favor sexual diversity like Yasmín or Sandra Álvarez,
author of "Negra Cubana tenia que ser" (It had to be a Black Cuban
Woman) has reinforced the critical and committed nature of this
compilation of blogs.
Sandra, Yasmín, Isbel, Luis, Dmitri, Rogelio…the names repeat themselves
when we talk about the critical left, feminist and LGBT activism, or
about blogs and independent media, or about cultural projects linked to
the institutions.
They are barely a handful of people but they continue to gain followers
in their zeal to construct a socialist and sovereign Cuba, true to the
revolutionary principles that guided the struggle against the Batista
dictatorship, and free of repression and authoritarianism.
Amidst a broad explosion of individual initiatives since Raul Castro
broadened the list of occupations that could be practiced autonomously,
people joke about requesting that the Tax Administration to grant
licenses for independent activism.
While the Government continues to place obstacles in the way of the
consolidation of independent social movements, those connected with
Critical Observatory ask that leftist collectives from other countries
abandon their complacency towards the Castro regime and support them as
the movement that can best extract Cuba from the fight between Stalinist
communism and imperialist capitalism – two models in crisis.
——
(*) June Fernandez edits the online magazine Pikara.
http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=75825
August 5, 2012
June Fernandez*
HAVANA TIMES — "Come wearing something red and kiss someone, because all
forms of love are important." Last June 28, forty-six people who had
received this message via instant messaging or e-mail met in the Havana
bus terminal, near the Plaza of the Revolution, to kiss each other.
The group that had promoted the gathering was the Rainbow Project
(Proyecto Arcoiris) an independent collective aimed at mobilizing the
citizenry to take their demands for the rights to sexual diversity and
the free expression of affection to the streets.
The government of Raul Castro has officially broken with the regime's
homophobic past and is sponsoring policies of non-discrimination;
however, displays of affection between people of the same sex are still
penalized by laws that categorize them as "indecent exhibitionism."
"We held the Kiss-In precisely for those people who have not yet decided
to come out of the closet of what has been authorized and coordinated,
of that supported by the superior authorities that know everything and
define everything. They learned that the street does not belong to the
authorities, to the chimera called "the revolutionaries" that no one
knows in the end how they look or what they believe in," Yasmin Silvia
Portales Machado, founder of the Rainbow Project, explained in her blog.
Although four or five dozen people might seem like a small thing,
organizing an action in demand of change outside of the government and
of the anti-Castro opposition is something unheard of in a country where
political polarization colors every social initiative.
The National Center for Sexual Education (Cenesex), which coordinates
the policies for sexual diversity under the leadership of Mariela
Castro, Raul Castro's daughter, doesn't recognize June 28, a day in
which gay pride events are organized in many cities around the world.
The latter are considered an imperialist and capitalist celebration.
Instead, they have established May as anti-homophobia month and organize
activities to sensitize the population to questions such as civil unions
between people of the same sex or the special health needs of transsexuals.
As a result, on previous June 28's only the LGBT Rights Observatory, a
collective identified with the dissident movement, has gone out on the
street. Definitely, the choice has been official activities in May or
anti-Castro Pride in June.
The Rainbow Project has broken with this logic and with no further ado
has joined the commemoration of the anniversary of the Stonewall
disturbances, in tune with the international LGBT community.
The organizers were very nervous: "Since Tuesday I had a nervous tic in
my right eye," recalled Yasmín – but this time there were no incidents.
They did, however, receive messages from people who feared for their
safety or from those who had heard that the initiative came from an
opposition group, as another of the promoters, Luis Rondón Paz, states
in his blog.
Despite such rumors, the police didn't appear, nor did the participants
receive any pressure. "I suppose that such permissiveness was associated
with the fact that the act of kissing each other could be seen as
something legitimate, innocent, beautiful," Isbel Díaz Torres, another
founder of the collective wrote. He does however underline the
political character of the action in a post where he recalls how he was
fined years ago for kissing his boyfriend on the beach.
Following the reading of a communiqué entitled: "The revolution is the
struggle against all kinds of discrimination", the participants
nervously awaited the signal and kissed each other. Passion was lacking
and the kissing was mainly among women, "but the photo of Isbel with his
boyfriend has been seen around the world, so that we did meet our
objective of achieving visibility for the LGBT movement in Cuba," Luis
exults.
The Critical Left
The Rainbow Project is one of the small autonomous collectives that have
emerged in the last decade under the umbrella of Observatorio Crítico
(Critical Observatory) the most notable experience of social activism
outside the perimeter of the Cuban institutions.
This network brings together people who defend anti-capitalism,
socialism, anarchism in a few cases, and Cuban sovereignty from a
position of unstinting criticism of all forms of discrimination,
authoritarianism and repression promoted by or permitted by the Government.
They do this through initiatives such as the Rainbow Project, the
Negritude Brotherhood (which criticizes the institutional and social
racism which persists in Cuban society and seeks to reconstruct the
historical memory of the black community) and the Guardabosques (Forest
Rangers), an environmental project headed by Isbel.
Critical Observatory distributes compendiums of articles over e-mail,
organizes debates on such diverse topics as genetically modified foods,
trans-feminism or the rap-inspired "reggaetón" music and popular culture.
It also holds annual social forums that have become a point of reference
for the critical left in Cuba. They agree with the socialist project,
but not with the marked Stalinism of the regime. They defend basic
liberties, but they set themselves apart from the official dissident
movement with its support for implanting a capitalist system under the
tutelage of the United States.
Faced with those who dedicate themselves to the unconditional defense of
what they call the Revolution, and those on the other side who
concentrate their energy on defeating what they define as a clear
dictatorship, the Cubans associated with Critical Observatory
concentrate on denouncing concrete expressions of inequality and on
debating a model that could reconcile revolutionary principles with
respect for basic freedoms.
They assert that the Revolution must be feminist, anti-rascist, and
anti-homophobic, or it won't be anything. Their proclamation recalls
the M-15 (Spain) movement, to which these activists feel related.
Their anti-capitalist ideology leads them to oppose all US interference,
but also to question Raul Castro's economic model which promotes private
initiative, foreign investment and also mass lay-offs, and to advocate
for collective formulas such as cooperatives.
Their stand on the Pope's visit to Cuba last March was also significant.
While the Castro supporters were rubbing their hands together in glee
over the legitimacy that the visit provided them, and the anti-Castro
factions lamented the scarce attention that his Holiness awarded them,
Yasmín and other members of the Observatory were a discordant note.
They criticized the fact that a lay State like Cuba would waste public
money to welcome the leader of an institution that doesn't recognize
sexual and reproductive rights; they wrote ironically about the
Communist Party's eagerness to host a leader who was belligerently
opposed to Marxism, and condemned the fact that the Afro-Cuban
religions, whose influence is greater than that of Catholicism, have not
received any such governmental recognition.
Months before, they fantasized about showing public indignation over the
Pope's visit, but in the end they limited themselves to expressing their
point of view in the alternative media and in the blogs.
The right of association in Cuba
To grasp the situation in which this autonomous left finds itself, it's
helpful to understand how the right to associate functions in Cuba.
This State that defines itself as revolutionary has historically put up
barriers to the existence of independent social movements.
Raul Castro's declarations of a new openness and the fact that at least
in words he has defended freedom of expression and of the press, is one
of the factors that explains the recent emergence and survival of
autonomous social and cultural initiatives.
However, the pro-Castro groups continue to defend the idea that only the
official mass organizations like the Cuban Women's Federation or the
groups linked to Cenesex can legitimately mobilize the citizenry in
favor of social demands.
Rogelio M. Díaz, blogger and member of Critical Observatory, attributes
this to the official line that the concept of "civil society" is
"bourgeois, subversive and a United States' strategy to penetrate the
Third World," while "the mass organizations incorporate into their
statutes the notion of following the Party leadership."
He cites three factors: the climate of aggression on the part of the US,
the leadership style of Fidel and the politics of the socialist camp.
Given that many supposedly independent associations "are nothing more
than tiny groups promoted by the CIA and other forces of the USA", the
blogger emphasizes that it is absolutely necessary that the United
States renounce their intention to promote a regime change if the
situation is to normalize: "If this by some miracle were to occur
tomorrow, then we would be able to measure the real willingness of the
Cuban government to abandon their strict controls."
Among other things he makes reference to the combination of bureaucratic
snags and lack of political will that makes it practically impossible to
constitute associations. Article 54 of the Constitution recognizes the
rights of assembly, demonstration and association [although Article 62
warns that it is a punishable offense to exercise these freedoms to
jeopardize "the existence and aims of the socialist State"].
However, in fact an aspiring association must be sponsored by a State
entity in order for the Ministry of Justice to authorize its inscription
into the corresponding registry. The sponsoring State organization
"then then becomes its related organ, that which controls it and attends
to its needs," Dmitri Prieto, founder of Critical Observatory, explains.
The registry takes years to arrive (if it arrives at all) so that the
collectives opt for formulas such as creating academic professorships or
projects inscribed within the cultural centers. "As long as there is no
confrontation with the actual system, the authorities do not create any
impediments, but they can meet with a lack of understanding, lack of
resources and very little visibility," he noted.
"Any individual initiatives for association are systematically
demonized, even more so if they are of a political nature. It's very
difficult to question deeply the political and social structures, and it
would also be suicidal," Yasmín laments.
The Critical Observatory arose from the Haydée Santamaria Professorship,
created from within the Asociación Hermanos Saiz, also known as AHS, the
institution of young artists and writers, to investigate transformations
in Cuban society.
In 2010, when their proposals began to be uncomfortable, the AHS
informed them that their members had surpassed the age limit and could
no longer remain tied to the institution. "Therefore, there was no more
need to be politically correct as far as criticizing the institutions,"
Yasmín notes. This reality sparked the Observatory's transformation into
one of the most anti-establishment collectives on the Island.
Nonetheless, becoming a network without institutional backing has its
consequences. The scarce resources of the Critical Observatory, which
barely stretch enough to buy a snack for meetings, come from the
solidarity of European anarchist and anti-capitalist collectives.
There is no headquarters: they hold their debates in a paladar (private
restaurant) managed by some sympathizer, or in a park. They chose the
second option for a colloquium with an activist from Madrid's 15-M
movement, which included the presence of both an agent from State
Security and an "independent" reporter from the official dissident movement.
The Cuban critical left defines itself as revolutionary and its
activists work closely with Cuban institutions or with projects
supported by them. They resist calling themselves "opposition," since
they identify more with a Cuban socialist movement than with the
proposals of the dissidents.
This puts them in an uncertain situation: they don't suffer direct
repression and it could be said that their activity is tolerated, but as
they consolidate they do feel an ever greater labeling.
The latest flurry was an article written by Percy Francisco Alvarado
Godoy a former State Security agent, accusing a group of recognized
Cuban intellectuals of working against the Revolution in projects
directed by the United States as part of the conflict known as the cyber
war against Castroism.
Alvarado Godoy has since apologized for what he calls an unfortunate
error, but those affected have not accepted his apology: "Similar errors
left authors like José Lezama Lima, Virgilio Piñera and other sunk into
ostracism for years; they brought unnecessary pain to many and caused
irreparable damage to Cuban culture and society," alerts the writer
Daniel Díaz Mantilla, one of those defamed.
Relations with the State institutions
Rogelio describes the government's strategy as one of "gathering and
channeling intelligently the tensions in several potential conflicts.
The emblematic case is that of the LGBT movement. Cenesex, affiliated
with the Health Ministry, promotes networks of gays, lesbians and
transsexuals who go out on the streets to proclaim their demands, but do
so under the institution's tutelage.
Odaymara Cuest and Olivia Prendes, the rappers from Krudas Cubensi, now
living in Texas, recall how the lesbian collective Oremi that they
participated in was swallowed up by Cenesex. "One fine day, Mariela
[Castro] arrived with an authoritarian air, to announce that the group
needed to function in a top-down manner.
"She imposed the presence and leadership of some psychologists who
weren't lesbians, who brought us cases with pathologies that they were
attending in their clinics. We couldn't discuss our problems as healthy
lesbians. For that reason we preferred our autonomy," Prendes explains.
It hadn't been her first clash with Mariela Castro. During the nineties
they had tried to form a "queer" collective with friends for the United
States and had planned to attend the May 1st demonstration carrying a
rainbow flag.
"The objective of the march is to unite us against imperialism and for
socialism, so we said, "Why not carry our own little flag, since we too
are part of this country? Ay yi yi, – they gave us a sound slapping.
They stole our flag, then they began going to the home of each activist.
We asked Mariela Castro if she could give us a paper or something
giving permission to form a small LGBT group.
"She said, 'No, Cuba isn't ready for it.' 'No, this is a macho culture.
Maybe in ten years.' "
And more than ten years later, Cenesex continues trying to monopolize
LGBT activism through their organizations, even though some of their
members favor the existence of autonomous collectives.
"I believe that the formation of a potentially autonomous movement for
sexual rights is necessary, but one that includes heterosexuals who
dissent from the hegemonies and that maintains a horizontal and
participative form of functioning, well distanced from feuds, grudges
and personal vanities. Such existence doesn't imply a negation of the
Cuban socialist principles, but their strengthening and the construction
of a more just and decent society," states Alberto Roque, himself an
activist in the Communist Party and the dynamic force behind "Men for
Diversity".
Participants feel that this group, under the wing of Cenesex, offers a
margin of space to channel criticism of Government policies and to
express themselves freely. Some, like Luis Rondón Paz and Paquito el de
Cuba also maintain their own blogs in which they lash out against
practices like homophobia in the workplace, in sports or in the media.
"I've been risking my neck for awhile. An old lover tells me: "You're
crazy as a loon" and I responded. "Listen, change doesn't fall from the
ceiling. When something is wrong, you have to shout out loud using every
means necessary so that the message reaches its destination as little
adulterated as possible."
That's how Luis explained his stance on maintaining activism both within
and outside of the institutions, in a post venting his frustration at
those who criticize him for participating in autonomous projects such as
the Rainbow Project.
Luis, together with Yasmín, was one of the promoters of the NotiG
(GNews) bulletin, which disseminated e-mail articles on gender identity
as well as lighter pieces. They were informed that the bulletin
couldn't circulate without being registered in the National Registry of
Serial Publications. They accepted the requirement to request the
endorsement of Cenesex, but they are still awaiting a response.
In any case, the Rainbow Project currently represents the most ambitious
initiative. It hopes to offer legal aid in cases of discrimination due
to sexual orientation or gender identity, as well as promoting debate
and a popular commitment against the bias towards a heterosexual norm,
through actions such as the Kiss-In. They are also distributing a
survey among those who are not heterosexuals to collect their demands.
In the case of feminism as well, the official discourse continues to be
that the existence of the Federation of
Cuban Women, make an autonomous feminism unnecessary. Nevertheless,
this mass organization continues to reproduce traditional feminine views
without really promoting a bold confrontation with problems such as
macho violence or police persecution against women who work as prostitutes.
The most powerful autonomous initiative in favor of gender equality was
probably MAGIN, the Association of Women in Communications, which in its
time agglutinated more than one hundred women journalists, artists,
scientists and even politicians.
It didn't last very long: in 1996, three years after its foundation and
without succeeding in becoming legalized they were informed that they
couldn't continue to function, under the argument of fear that the
United States would utilize them.
Over the last year and a half, the debate forum: "Look with Suspicion"
has consolidated itself as a gathering space for Cuban feminists. They
take on topics such as "Cyberfeminism, gender and nation", or
"Literature and feminism", with presenters that include academics such
as Isabel Moya or Norma Vasallo, but also autonomous activists such as
Negra Cubana, Yasmín Portales or Krudas Cubensi.
It's chief promoters are three communicators: Hernández Hormilla,
Lirians Gordillo Piña and Danae C. Diéguez. They have received the
backing of the Monseñor Oscar Arnulfo Romero Group for Reflection and
Solidarity (OAR) a legal non-governmental organization of Christian
inspiration, and of the National Union of Cuban Writers and Artists
(UNEAC) whose center they use to hold their debates.
"We could have met in our houses, but we were interested in penetrating
into the space held by institutions and holding a dialogue with that
structure which also has its strengths," Danae explains. Nonetheless
several of those attending fantasize about the idea of creating a
network of autonomous and challenge-minded communicators as Magin had been.
Another project that has been launched autonomously, but with a certain
degree of institutional backing, is Afro-Cubans (Afrocubanas) promoted
by the blogger Sandra Álvarez and the writer Inés María Martiartu, with
the objective of "making visible the contributions of Cuban black women
to the national history and culture," the former explains. It has
produced a book, a blog and several meetings of black women in Sandra's
own house to debate questions of feminism and anti-racism.
The internet, key to autonomy
In Cuba, the majority of the population continues to have no access to
the internet, and even those who do have it must put up with very
precarious connections. In Havana, information mainly circulates via
those handy USB memory sticks. The government sustains that the United
States blockade has kept them from setting up broadband connections, and
that this fact justifies their decision to prioritize certain sectors
for satellite internet access: public institutions, universities,
hotels, etc.
In 2007, Hugo Chavez announced that they would install a fiber optic
cable from Venezuela to Cuba, but the process has made mysteriously slow
progress, inspiring rumors of corruption. Up until today, the
government has declared that the cable is "absolutely in operative
condition," but those on the internet have yet to note even the
slightest improvement in the connection.
Even blogs considered "officialist", such as Young Cuba (La Joven Cuba)
have criticized the lack of transparency and the resistance to providing
universal access to the internet. The majority of the cyber-activists
use their workplaces to publish in their blogs and on social networks,
consequently running the risk of being discovered and fired.
At any rate, the internet has been one of the elements that have
permitted those from the critical left to make themselves visible,
especially outside of the island. It has at least inspired hope in this
new form of sharing information and having their denunciations heard.
In June, for example the police in Havana detained two members of
Critical Observatory who had spray paint in their backpacks and held
them for twelve hours. "By this time, Critical Observatory had already
made public the denunciation on Facebook, Twitter and the WordPress
collective's blog. Fortunately, the new technologies manage to speed up
a little the process of justice, although they aren't able to transform
the absurd." Isbel wrote in Havana Times.
Havana Times is the digital daily of reference among the critical left:
among its habitual contributors are several staunch members of Critical
Observatory. Its director, Circles Robinson, defines it as an
"independent source for presenting the complex Cuban reality, that
struggles for information pluralism with diverse criteria in a country
where this has been seen with suspicious eyes."
Social Forum 2012
"Navigating in very polarized waters, we hope to contribute to elevating
the debate and finding participative solutions to the country's
problems," he adds. Havana Times publishes in Spanish and English,
offering opinion pieces on such things as the multi-party system,
relations with the Catholic church, or the economic reforms; news items
that inform about questions that the official media silence (the
crumbling of buildings or the mysterious fiber optic cable) and
interviews to introduce new talents in Cuban culture.
Last month, Havana Times was accused in two articles published in
Cubadebate and Rebelión respectively, of being a source "encouraged by
the United States" and of supporting "counter-revolutionaries" such as
the blogger Yoani Sánchez or Antonio Rodiles (Estado de Sats) for having
interviewed them.
The fact that Circles was born in the United States makes it easier for
those who accuse him of ties to the US Interests Section in Cuba.
Although, he notes, he could have been born in any other part of the
world, has lived in different countries and worked for 7 years for the
Cuban government.
Another interesting space for those who want to escape from the
so-called cyber-war between anti-Castro and official blogs is the
"Bloggers Cuba" community. It arose with the vocation of "breaking the
dichotomy between the experience of life on the island and its scant
reflection in the national and foreign media."
The majority of its members openly defend socialism, but maintain a
critical perspective. The incorporation of feminist and anti-racist
bloggers who favor sexual diversity like Yasmín or Sandra Álvarez,
author of "Negra Cubana tenia que ser" (It had to be a Black Cuban
Woman) has reinforced the critical and committed nature of this
compilation of blogs.
Sandra, Yasmín, Isbel, Luis, Dmitri, Rogelio…the names repeat themselves
when we talk about the critical left, feminist and LGBT activism, or
about blogs and independent media, or about cultural projects linked to
the institutions.
They are barely a handful of people but they continue to gain followers
in their zeal to construct a socialist and sovereign Cuba, true to the
revolutionary principles that guided the struggle against the Batista
dictatorship, and free of repression and authoritarianism.
Amidst a broad explosion of individual initiatives since Raul Castro
broadened the list of occupations that could be practiced autonomously,
people joke about requesting that the Tax Administration to grant
licenses for independent activism.
While the Government continues to place obstacles in the way of the
consolidation of independent social movements, those connected with
Critical Observatory ask that leftist collectives from other countries
abandon their complacency towards the Castro regime and support them as
the movement that can best extract Cuba from the fight between Stalinist
communism and imperialist capitalism – two models in crisis.
——
(*) June Fernandez edits the online magazine Pikara.
http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=75825
viernes, 3 de agosto de 2012
Grupo LGBT reparte boletín con testimonios sobre la UMAP
Grupo LGBT reparte boletín con testimonios sobre la UMAP
Jueves, Agosto 2, 2012 | Por Leannes Imbert
LA HABANA, Cuba, 2 de agosto (Leannes Imbert Acosta, www.cubanet.org) –
El Observatorio Cubano de los Derechos LGBT (OBCUD LGBT) ya está
distribuyendo en la capital cubana el boletín "Verdad y Memoria", como
parte de la campaña para reivindicar los derechos de los homosexuales
que inició la Plataforma Cubana LGBT (LGBT) el pasado 20 de julio y que
se extenderá hasta diciembre de 2012.
El documento, que contendrá testimonios de víctimas directas y testigos
de lo ocurrido en las UMAP (Unidades Militares de Ayuda a la Producción)
entre los años 1965 y 1968, tendrá una tirada de 200 ejemplares cada semana.
Las UMAP (o "la UMAP", como la recuerdan los cubanos) fueron
consideradas campos de concentración creados en la década de los años 60
para internar a todos los que eran considerados "desafectos" de la
revolución, entre ellos jóvenes católicos, homosexuales e incluso los
que llevaran el pelo largo o escuchaban música en inglés. Es una de las
páginas más oscuras del régimen castrista, sobre la que ahora las
autoridades –las mismas que crearon tales "reformatorios"- se niegan a
hablar.
El Centro Nacional de Educación Sexual (CENESEX) que dirige Mariela
Castro, hija del gobernante Raúl Castro, ha dicho que lleva a cabo una
investigación sobre los sucesos que ocurrieron en las UMAP pero, según
declaraciones que hizo la directora del CENESEX durante su visita a San
Francisco, en Estados Unidos, no hay evidencias concretas de que la UMAP
haya sido un centro de castigo para los homosexuales.
La idea del boletín "Verdad y Memoria" fue tomada del proyecto homónimo
de "Archivo Cuba", con sede en Estados Unidos y será, de alguna manera,
una contribución a la investigación del CENESEX, que recibirá cada
semana un ejemplar del boletín.
De acuerdo con sus redactores, el boletín es "un sencillo homenaje a los
más de 25,000 cubanos que estuvieron recluidos en aquellos centros
creados por la revolución y una fuente de información para los cubanos
que no conocen sobre este capítulo de la historia cubana".
Todos lo que dentro y fuera de la isla deseen aportar algún testimonio
para que sea publicado en el boletín "Verdad y Memoria", pueden enviarlo
a las direcciones electrónicas: imbertlily@gmail.com o geliza@gmail.com.
http://www.cubanet.org/noticias/grupo-lgbt-reparte-boletin-con-testimonios-sobre-la-umap/
Jueves, Agosto 2, 2012 | Por Leannes Imbert
LA HABANA, Cuba, 2 de agosto (Leannes Imbert Acosta, www.cubanet.org) –
El Observatorio Cubano de los Derechos LGBT (OBCUD LGBT) ya está
distribuyendo en la capital cubana el boletín "Verdad y Memoria", como
parte de la campaña para reivindicar los derechos de los homosexuales
que inició la Plataforma Cubana LGBT (LGBT) el pasado 20 de julio y que
se extenderá hasta diciembre de 2012.
El documento, que contendrá testimonios de víctimas directas y testigos
de lo ocurrido en las UMAP (Unidades Militares de Ayuda a la Producción)
entre los años 1965 y 1968, tendrá una tirada de 200 ejemplares cada semana.
Las UMAP (o "la UMAP", como la recuerdan los cubanos) fueron
consideradas campos de concentración creados en la década de los años 60
para internar a todos los que eran considerados "desafectos" de la
revolución, entre ellos jóvenes católicos, homosexuales e incluso los
que llevaran el pelo largo o escuchaban música en inglés. Es una de las
páginas más oscuras del régimen castrista, sobre la que ahora las
autoridades –las mismas que crearon tales "reformatorios"- se niegan a
hablar.
El Centro Nacional de Educación Sexual (CENESEX) que dirige Mariela
Castro, hija del gobernante Raúl Castro, ha dicho que lleva a cabo una
investigación sobre los sucesos que ocurrieron en las UMAP pero, según
declaraciones que hizo la directora del CENESEX durante su visita a San
Francisco, en Estados Unidos, no hay evidencias concretas de que la UMAP
haya sido un centro de castigo para los homosexuales.
La idea del boletín "Verdad y Memoria" fue tomada del proyecto homónimo
de "Archivo Cuba", con sede en Estados Unidos y será, de alguna manera,
una contribución a la investigación del CENESEX, que recibirá cada
semana un ejemplar del boletín.
De acuerdo con sus redactores, el boletín es "un sencillo homenaje a los
más de 25,000 cubanos que estuvieron recluidos en aquellos centros
creados por la revolución y una fuente de información para los cubanos
que no conocen sobre este capítulo de la historia cubana".
Todos lo que dentro y fuera de la isla deseen aportar algún testimonio
para que sea publicado en el boletín "Verdad y Memoria", pueden enviarlo
a las direcciones electrónicas: imbertlily@gmail.com o geliza@gmail.com.
http://www.cubanet.org/noticias/grupo-lgbt-reparte-boletin-con-testimonios-sobre-la-umap/
miércoles, 1 de agosto de 2012
La libertad sexual de Cuba
La libertad sexual de Cuba
Martes, 31 de Julio de 2012 00:54
Escrito por Tania Díaz Castro
Cuba actualidad, Santa Fe, La Habana, (PD) Cuando le comenté a uno de
mis colegas de la prensa independiente que escribiría sobre la libertad
sexual que existe en Cuba, me dijo que eso era una tontería mía.
La idea me surgió cuando supe que una señora de Miami contrató a un
investigador privado para conocer las infidelidades de su esposo.
Hubiera sido suficiente, así le dije, con emplear el olfato y el sentido
común, después de 26 años de matrimonio. Una buena suma de dólares y a
los pocos días el investigador le entregó vídeos, fotos, correos
electrónicos y hasta el email de la joven amante.
En los países desarrollados económicamente, sobre todo, hay tantos
investigadores privados como bienes gananciales se reparten los cónyuges
que deciden separarse cuando el amor finaliza en uno de ellos, o entre
los dos. La que se forma es de película. La residencia le pertenece a la
víctima, que en este caso pudiera ser la esposa traicionada. La cuenta
bancaria se convierte en un verdadero litigio, y el auto o los autos
cambian de nombre, como el yate, las joyas y la casita de la playa o de
las montañas.
Pero en Cuba la cosa es bien distinta. No hay investigadores privados, y
las propiedades son tan pocas, que no vale la pena pleitear. Por lo
general, viven en un cuarto de los suegros, o lo que es peor, por
separado: cada cual en la casa de sus padres.
Como no hubo boda, tampoco hay anillo para las devoluciones y mucho
menos papeles que poner en claro.
Si hubo infidelidad conyugal por parte de alguno de los cónyuges, nadie
se entera. Los Comités de Defensa de la Revolución ya no están ni
siquiera para eso.
También se sabe que en los núcleos del Partido Comunista cesó la vieja
costumbre de cuestionar sobre todo a la mujer infiel, esposa del
militante internacionalista.
¿Estaremos pues ante un país con plena libertad sexual? Pienso que sí y
que se trata, ni más ni menos, de la única virtud del castrismo.
Y si agregamos la libertad que poseen hoy en día los gay y las
lesbianas, gracias a la hija del sucesor-dictador, la virtud es tan
grande que vale la pena destacarla en esta crónica, precisamente del mes
de julio.
Para Cuba actualidad: vlamagre@yahoo.com
http://primaveradigital.org/primavera/cuba-sociedad/sociedad/4790-la-libertad-sexual-de-cuba.html
Martes, 31 de Julio de 2012 00:54
Escrito por Tania Díaz Castro
Cuba actualidad, Santa Fe, La Habana, (PD) Cuando le comenté a uno de
mis colegas de la prensa independiente que escribiría sobre la libertad
sexual que existe en Cuba, me dijo que eso era una tontería mía.
La idea me surgió cuando supe que una señora de Miami contrató a un
investigador privado para conocer las infidelidades de su esposo.
Hubiera sido suficiente, así le dije, con emplear el olfato y el sentido
común, después de 26 años de matrimonio. Una buena suma de dólares y a
los pocos días el investigador le entregó vídeos, fotos, correos
electrónicos y hasta el email de la joven amante.
En los países desarrollados económicamente, sobre todo, hay tantos
investigadores privados como bienes gananciales se reparten los cónyuges
que deciden separarse cuando el amor finaliza en uno de ellos, o entre
los dos. La que se forma es de película. La residencia le pertenece a la
víctima, que en este caso pudiera ser la esposa traicionada. La cuenta
bancaria se convierte en un verdadero litigio, y el auto o los autos
cambian de nombre, como el yate, las joyas y la casita de la playa o de
las montañas.
Pero en Cuba la cosa es bien distinta. No hay investigadores privados, y
las propiedades son tan pocas, que no vale la pena pleitear. Por lo
general, viven en un cuarto de los suegros, o lo que es peor, por
separado: cada cual en la casa de sus padres.
Como no hubo boda, tampoco hay anillo para las devoluciones y mucho
menos papeles que poner en claro.
Si hubo infidelidad conyugal por parte de alguno de los cónyuges, nadie
se entera. Los Comités de Defensa de la Revolución ya no están ni
siquiera para eso.
También se sabe que en los núcleos del Partido Comunista cesó la vieja
costumbre de cuestionar sobre todo a la mujer infiel, esposa del
militante internacionalista.
¿Estaremos pues ante un país con plena libertad sexual? Pienso que sí y
que se trata, ni más ni menos, de la única virtud del castrismo.
Y si agregamos la libertad que poseen hoy en día los gay y las
lesbianas, gracias a la hija del sucesor-dictador, la virtud es tan
grande que vale la pena destacarla en esta crónica, precisamente del mes
de julio.
Para Cuba actualidad: vlamagre@yahoo.com
http://primaveradigital.org/primavera/cuba-sociedad/sociedad/4790-la-libertad-sexual-de-cuba.html
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